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Evidence to Support the Back Story......

An example of the information Anthony was passing to British and American intelligence services:

Here is a written statement from Philip Young, held in Pul-I-Charki prison around the same time as Anthony. Phil has very kindly given his permission to use and post this statement as evidence to support Anthony’s Backstory.

Anthony would publicly like to thank Phil for his help and support with bringing this situation to peoples attention...........

I am Philip Frank Young a w/m, 50 years of age and residing in Cape Town, South Africa.

Between October 2009 and May 2012 I was incarcerated in various detention facilities in Afghanistan. Approximately 2 years of that time period I spent in Pul-e-Charki prison in Kabul. While there I was imprisoned in Block 1 and later in the High Security block. During the period I was in Pul-e-Charki I was not kept separate from the other prisoners and was exposed to most of the other prisoners including the Islamic radicals who formed a large part of the prison population. While some of the radicals were held in isolation, most were imprisoned with the general population.

During my 2 year incarceration in Pul-e-Charki I was witness to various events including the beating and torture of prisoners by prison officials and assault and murder of prisoners by other inmates. In my view, the torture and beating of prisoners by prison officers was systemic and widespread. Prisoners who were not compliant were often handcuffed or chained to fences or other structures, both inside and outdoors. I regularly witnessed prisoners chained outdoors to a fence in the height of winter while wearing no more than the thin traditional garb typical to Afghan men. On many occasions prisoners were chained outside while wearing only trousers. On most occasions these prisoners were left outside with no access to water or food and were left, on some occasions, from sunrise to after sunset. While handcuffed or chained these prisoners were often beaten by prison officials. I witnessed prisoners being beaten with electrical cables and batons for refusing to eat and for “insulting” prison officials. I witnessed 2 prisoners being beaten and dragged from their cell in the early hours of the morning and then dragged, literally, out of the cell block - they were then later executed by hanging in the kitchen of the cell block. (These were the two men convicted of the Kabul Bank massacre in Jalalabad) Again, the brutal treatment of prisoners was systemic and went on with the knowledge of the British mentors. I had a good relationship with the commanders of the blocks in which I was held and they were open about the methods used to “control” prisoners and were quite unaffected by the fact that mentors were on site. While guards and prison officers tended to behave more humanely when around mentors, I witnessed mentors joking and laughing about the beating and inhumane treatment of prisoners.

While incarcerated I was able to acquire a cell phone which I purchased from another inmate. This was very common in the prison and although regular searches were carried out and some phones confiscated, it was quite common that the phones would be replaced within a fortnight or even, in one case I witnessed, returned to the radicals by a prison official. I was approached on numerous occasions by prisoners, both radicals and “normal” prisoners, asking if I wanted to upgrade my phone for a fee of course.  It was common knowledge that radicals were using the cellular phones to plan attacks, communicate with radicals outside of the prison and to control activities of their former terrorist cells from within the prison. While in the High Security wing I had a conversation with a man convicted and jailed for planning and carrying out a bombing attack an act he seemed particularly proud of. He boasted that he was more secure using his cell phone in prison to carry on with his terrorist activities than if he had been outside the prison. When I say common knowledge, I mean that the prison officials knew of it, had reported it to the mentors and Afghan security forces and intelligence officials. I was once questioned by a member of the NDS (National Directorate of Security -  the Afghan intelligence service)  who stated to me that they were aware of the cell phone usage for planning attacks and other terrorist activities but had to rely on the prison officials to locate and confiscate cell phones. This position was ridiculous to me as prison officials were notoriously corrupt and anything could be had - if the price was right and that was certainly common knowledge to every Afghan in the country. They were also quite often sympathetic to the Taliban/Haqqani Network/Al Qaeda and would be the willing couriers of various contraband items, including cell phones. To assume that the western mentors and intelligence agencies were unaware of the widespread cell phone usage to plan and carry out terrorist activities would be naïve in the extreme. On two occasions (that I am aware of) the NDS orchestrated, with the assistance of prison officials, the search of cells within the High Security block. No phones were recovered the first time as we were all aware that a search was to take place the radicals had warned us that a search was to take place. The second occasion a number of phones (5 according to one of the guards) were recovered. The phone of the radical who confessed to me that he operated with impunity within the cell block, was not recovered.

As a South African and because we had no Embassy in Afghanistan the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) was responsible for visiting me in the prison and ensuring that I was not mistreated. Their (the FCO) mandate was limited to ensuring that I was not mistreated and that I was as comfortable as possible under the circumstances and that my basic human rights in terms of the UN charter for the treatment of prisoners was adhered to. I received irregular visits (4 in total over the 2.5 years I was incarcerated) The visits ceased when I received a letter stating that the FCO would no longer be able to support commonwealth citizens due to “time restraints”. However the cessation of support from the FCO corresponded with a ban, by the prison authorities, on any vehicles entering the actual prison compound area. This would mean that the FCO staff would be required to park their vehicles (they travelled in a security convoy) outside the prison and then walk the approximately 1km distance to enter the actual inner perimeter of the prison. I do not believe the timing of the cessation of support from the FCO and the vehicle entrance ban, were unrelated. Although the visits by certain members of the FCO were congenial, no member of the FCO did anything to ensure that the court processes were fair and within the bounds of the proper judicial process as laid out in the Statutes and Criminal Procedure Code and other laws and instructions pertaining to the conduct of the courts and judiciary. Visits were purely of a social type with no visible attempt to ensure that British or Commonwealth citizens received the due process of law. 

I confirm that the above statement is true to the best of my knowledge and belief.

……………………………………………….       Philip Frank Young


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